Religious ill-feeling, exacerbated following the 1994 Zapatista uprising, has often been presented as the background to the conflict lacerating Chiapas: more than 30,000 Evangelicals expelled, more than 30 Catholic churches shut down, several foreign priests deported, open or latent conflict in divided communities, etc. However, others insist that such a reading of the situation is ‘artificial‘ and may be used to cover up particular economic and political interests.

Certainly, a Manichaean explanation of ‘good vs. bad‘ does not take into account the complexity of the reality of Chiapas. Neither can broad generalizations be made within the religious sphere. To take the most common stereotypes, not all Catholics agree with the San Cristobal diocese, much less with the Zapatistas, and not all Evangelicals are supporters of the PRI (the ruling party), much less of the paramilitaries. With that in mind, we can take a look at the myths that exist regarding the religious situation and highlight those factors that are contributing to reconciliation at a wider level.

A little history

The Catholic Church has been predominant in Mexico and throughout Latin America since the Spanish colonization. Mexico’s constitution of 1824 states, “…the apostolic and Roman Catholic religion is considered the only and sufficient religion in all of Mexico, without tolerance for any other.” This changed after independence once the liberals were in power (1857 Reform Law, that ordered the Church to sell all its property) and with the Mexican Revolution (1910 – 1920; implementation of anti-clerical laws). In spite of this, Catholicism has been and continues to be an important component of Mexican identity. (Around 75 – 80% of the population today consider themselves to be Catholic).

Protestantism reached Mexico in 1872, but it wasn’t until the Cincinnati Missionary Conference in 1914 that Latin America was divided and Protestant or Evangelical denominations were assigned specific regions for the purpose of evangelization. Southeast Mexico remained under the jurisdiction of the Presbyterian Church of the North (USA) which later conceded it to the Reformed Church of the USA. Contacts were also made by Presbyterian missionaries from Guatemala. The second half of the 20^th century was characterized by the arrival of Pentecostals with a more participatory liturgical model. Other denominations had also arrived: Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, etc..

In Chiapas, the Evangelical population has grown at a rate that has no comparison in other Mexican states. According to the Diocese of San Cristobal, in 1960 Evangelicals made up 4.2% of the state. Today they are 23%. Of the rest, 57% are Roman Catholics and 20% traditionalist Catholics ⁽¹⁾ or atheists. Some Evangelical groups contend they make up 40% of the population.

Why the number of Evangelicals in Chiapas has risen

Some explain the rise in the number of Evangelicals by the practical limitations of the pastoral work of the Catholic Church. The number of priests has made it very difficult to meet the needs of the thousands of communities in the dioceses of Chiapas (that include San Cristobal de las Casas, Tuxtla Gutierrez, and Tapachula). Oscar Salinas, Pastoral Vicar of the Diocese of San Cristobal, emphasizes: “The Catholic Church abandoned the indigenous communities for 100 years. With the reform laws of 1857…practically all the missions were shut down.”

The arrival of foreign missionaries from the Reformed Church of the USA at the beginning of the last century is seen as another factor because it led to the formation of indigenous pastors who followed in their steps. Some mention the particular style of the Evangelical churches, distinct from the Catholic Church, as a reason for the growth of new churches. According to Esdras Alonso, pastor and president of Eagle Vision 2000, healings that occur during worship services contribute to conversions. Also the prohibition of the consumption of alcohol helps (by decreasing social and family problems derived from the excess consumption of alcohol).

Among the more critical voices, there are those who argue that between 1970 and 1980 the Evangelical churches were supported from the US as part of a counter-insurgency strategy against the spread across Latin America of liberation theology, which was seen as “communist.” (Cf. Santa Fe documents from the Reagan era that laid out a blueprint along those lines.) In Chiapas this strategy coincided with a pronounced change in the diocesan pastoral work.

The Preferential Option for the Poor in the Diocese of San Cristobal

In 1960, Bishop Samuel Ruiz arrived in Chiapas with the goal of “educating” the indigenous population. He was convinced that all that was needed to make them happy was to give them shoes and teach them Spanish. However, the encounter with Chiapas’ indigenous people, the Second Vatican Council, and later the Second Conference of Latin American Bishops in Medellin (1968) would profoundly transform him.

In 1962 the diocese began a program of training the indigenous, in the process decentralizing pastoral activity and placing it more in the indigenous communities. From this time the seeds were sown for a new understanding of the Bible: Indian theology ⁽²⁾. Today the diocese has the largest number of indigenous deacons in the world (around 400) and around 8000 catechists (there were 700 in the sixties).

The option for the poor has generated dissent within the diocese since rural indigenous communities have been given priority over the traditional practice of attending primarily to the towns (the locale of economic and political power). In San Cristobal, for example, there is an upper middle class group of citizens called “auténticos coletos” ⁽³⁾ who have criticized Samuel Ruiz on various occasions, even to the point of physically attacking the cathedral.

Initial tensions between Evangelicals and Catholics

Between 1934 and 1940 missionaries from the Summer Institute of Linguistics – an Evangelical initiative dedicated to translating the Bible into different languages – began work in Chiapas. According to some sociologists and anthropologists, from 1960 onwards this presence contributed to tensions with indigenous traditionalist Catholics. Referring to their evangelization practice, Samuel Ruiz explains: “The aggression against the worship of images [of the saints] disarticulates the organization of the indigenous community that is held together, along with its religious and civic authorities, by its religious festivities; and the millennial preaching announcing the imminent end of the world increases the oppressive fears of the indigenous.”

Bishop Ruiz recognized that, “Feeling invaded and under threat, the Catholic communities reacted violently, demolishing Evangelical places of worship, preventing the construction of others, and expelling the converts.”

Expulsions: are they religiously motivated?

The majority of cases of expulsion have happened as a result of conflicts between traditionalist Catholics and Evangelicals. The first expulsions happened towards the end of 1970 in San Juan Chamula. They included that of the Catholic priest because the traditionalists refused to accept the direction of the diocese. In succeeding years, more than 30,000 indigenous who had converted to different Evangelical churches were expelled. The current mayor of Chamula claims that, “Evangelical religion goes against the tradition of the Chamula people.” This affirmation alludes to the fact that members are not allowed to participate in traditional fiestas since they do not buy candles, posh ⁽⁴⁾, soft drinks, etc. This threatens the power of the local political caciques ⁽⁵⁾ that often are also store owners.

In the same area, the National Action Party (PAN) gained four seats on the County Council in the last local elections, but they have not been allowed to take office. In Chamula, no one is permitted to go against the “traditions,” this being understood to mean being a member of the PRI and a traditionalist Catholic at the same time. “In San Juan Chamula, you are born a member of the PRI,” insists the current mayor. Even if Chamula is an extreme example, economic and political interests appear in many situations of “religious intolerance.”

The political manipulation of the expulsions also stands out. Several Evangelical families recently displaced from Plan de Ayala (County of Las Margaritas) went back to their community in the presence of representatives of the state government from whom they received compensation and offers of economic help to reconstruct their houses. Nevertheless, the Evangelical leaders themselves, such as Pastor Esdras Alonso, criticize the government for not upholding laws that allow for freedom of religious worship and that prohibit the expulsions. On the other hand, in the case of the northern region where the government signed agreements for the return of several displaced families (mainly Catholics from an opposition organization), promises of compensation have still not been met after five years and some have not even been allowed to return to their homes.

Religious ill-feeling and the Zapatista uprising

Given its preferential option for the poor, the Diocese of San Cristobal and in particular its bishop, Samuel Ruiz (recently retired), have been accused by various Mexican sectors (government, business, auténticos coletos, some Evangelical groups, etc.) of using liberation theology to promote violence.

It is certainly the case that some catechists, leaders in their communities, did join ranks with the Zapatistas. The diocese was very clear about its position: “We understand the subjective situation of many of our brothers who have opted for what we consider to be the wrong path. This cry of anguish of those who commit their lives to the struggle for better conditions deserves all of our understanding….As a diocese, we state that violence obstructs the path to true solutions, and from this rejection of violence we want to accompany the people.” (January 1994). There are also catechists who support the Zapatistas’ demands and identify themselves as civilian “Zapatista supporters”.

Different Evangelical leaders have told us that at the beginning of 1994 they approached the Zapatista command in the hope that they could help to resolve the problem of the expulsions. Some Evangelicals even joined the struggle. However many felt excluded from the process of mediation led by Samuel Ruiz (president of CONAI/National Mediation Commission, 1995-98) given that there was no Evangelical representation in CONAI.

Repeated Zapatista references to the “bad government” could have bothered Evangelical groups who generally respect the authorities, basing themselves on the Bible (Romans 13 – 1,2): “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.”

Some Evangelical groups have also expressed doubts about the San Andres Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture, since they fear that respect for traditional “uses and customs” could be a pretext for religious intolerance. It is certainly the case that abuses have been made in the use of the term (in San Juan Chamula, for example).

Divisions, Rumours and Politicization

The religious panorama is certainly more complex than a simple dichotomy between Catholics and Evangelicals. In the northern region there are independent Catholic communities who do not accept priests from the San Cristobal diocese and who have asked the bishop of Tabasco to send them “priests who are not from Chiapas and who are not involved in politics.” On the other hand the parish priest of Tila (northern region), Heriberto Cruz, says that in the last five years, 24 Catholic churches were closed by the organization Development Peace and Justice (see glossary). In the community of El Limar, the Catholics of that organization celebrate their services in the church that they took over, while those of the diocese meet in the house of a catechist. In communities that are divided for political reasons it is common to have two Catholic services.

In this context, rumours can also be a powerful weapon. The most representative example is that of the Acteal massacre where 45 indigenous people were killed. This was also the subject of religious interpretation as it was initially claimed that the victims were Evangelicals. Later, the national and international press tried to generalize that the perpetrators were Evangelicals. Although it is the case that the victims were Catholics there is no certainty over the beliefs of those responsible. A deeper analysis shows that the causes of the massacre have much more to do with political and economic issues.

Hopes for the future

There are hopeful signs of dialogue, reconciliation and ecumenical work that go back even before the Zapatista uprising. Clearly it is no easy task, starting with the different interpretations of the terms “ecumenism” and “Christian”. John Sinclair, a Presbyterian pastor from the US, defines ecumenism as “a common commitment to finding Christian unity.” Nevertheless, many Evangelicals in Chiapas consider that the word “ecumenism” comes from the Catholic church and they do not want to associate themselves with it. Evangelicals use the word “Christians” in reference to themselves but not always including Catholics.

It is easier to find common denominators among the churches by focusing more on the needs of the people than on theological-pastoral discourse. For example, in 1992 the Diocese of San Cristobal began a program of support for those expelled from Chamula. A nun asked Bishop Ruiz, “How am I supposed to start this work when I am a Catholic and they are Evangelicals?” “You just have to love them,” he replied. Soon two other programs joined: Syjac (meaning in Tztozil “serving our people”) and Habitat for Humanity. Together they built more than 250 houses for the expelled and 2000 for the Evangelicals who returned to Chamula. On more than one occasion the Evangelicals have defended Samuel Ruiz (for example from attacks by auténticos coletos).

The organization ORIACH (Organization of Indigenous Representatives of Chiapas) is another example of ecumenical work where indigenous Adventists, Presbyterians, Pentecostals and Catholics joined together to fight for the same needs: return to their land and internal democratization of indigenous communities.

The project to translate the Bible into the Tzotzil indigenous language brought the Presbyterians and Catholics of Chenalho together around a common need. The project took more than 10 years (it was completed in 1998). Two Presbyterian pastors and two Catholic catechists worked together full time.

In December 1997 another project was set up with the aim of responding at a more grassroots level. Known as the Bible School of Holistic Formation, it is an ecumenical school that offers courses to students of different Christian denominations in response to their common needs: health, human rights, conflict resolution, etc. (See SIPAZ Report, August 1998, Vol. 3, No.3).

Religion, Resource for Peace

Rather than a source of conflict, religion can bring people closer together. Ecumenical work and reconciliation are possible, as the missionary of the Reformed Church, Rene Sterk, says, once people are willing to receive and recognize the “other” as their brother in Christ and to break with the stereotype of the supposed enemy, especially among indigenous people of the same community. In order to achieve reconciliation, each one will have to assume his or her responsibility and to commit first to truth, justice and peace.

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• ⁽¹⁾ The diocese itself talks of “Indian theology” (teología india) rather than “liberation theology.” Liberation theology is a reading of the Bible from the perspective of the oppressed and it uses tools of social science to analyse reality. It was developed in Latin America in the sixties. According to the document of the Third Synod of the Diocese of San Cristobal, Indian theology is defined as a “theology that attempts to recognize the presence and action of God … that is manifest in the life, word and wisdom of our ancestors among the various cultures.” (Return)
• ⁽²⁾ Residents of San Cristobal de las Casas that consider themselves direct descendants of the Spanish crown. “Coleto“, literally braid or pig-tail, refers to the braided hairstyle favored by their Spanish ancestors.(Return)
• ⁽³⁾ Traditionalist Catholics (also known as costumbristas or those who follow traditional customs) use elements of Catholicism in a syncretistic manner in their Mayan cosmology; generally they do not recognize the authority of the Roman Catholic Church. (Return)
• ⁽⁴⁾ An alcoholic drink. (Return)
• ⁽⁵⁾ Traditional leaders of indigenous communities. (Return)